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On a stifling afternoon, Luis Arnoldo Lopez, late of Los Angeles, gathers with members of the Mara Salvatrucha gang to smoke marijuana, sniff glue and inscribe gang tattoos on one another's skin. Suddenly, their conversation shifts to the rival 18th Street gang. 'They killed Cuchillo, so we have to kill them,' a teen-ager nicknamed 'Snoopy' complains to Mr.

'They have been robbing and killing us, so we have to protect ourselves.' ' Wearing gray pants that say 'L.A. County Jail,' Mr. Lopez, 18, nods in agreement and begins to goad his comrades.

'We've got to defend each other and our barrio,' he tells them. 'Every time they kill one of our homeboys, one of theirs should also die.' Advertisement If Mr. Lopez speaks in a peculiar mixture of American and Salvadoran street slang, it is no accident.

For he is one of a growing number of immigrants whom the United States has shipped back to their countries of origin under an effort mandated by Congress a decade ago and strengthened with new financing in the last four years. It requires the deportation, at the end of their prison sentences, of those immigrants, legal or illegal, who have been convicted of a broad range of felonies, from murder to drug possession. The policy is having a profound effect here in El Salvador.

Since January, just in this dusty town of 13,000 people at least 7 people have died in gang violence, the police say. The victims included a 3-year-old girl killed when she and her family came out of church and walked into the middle of a grenade fight between two gangs, each with roots in the United States. In the last fiscal year, the Immigration and Naturalization Service reports having deported about 37,000 criminals, up from about 27,000 three years before. And in the first half of this fiscal year, it has stepped up the pace further, deporting more than 23,000, for an annual rate of more than 45,000. The program was intended to lower the American crime rate, free up prison space and save American taxpayers money by getting rid of people who were not citizens and were considered likely to commit new crimes after having served their sentences. The policy may have had a small effect in those directions, officials in the United States say, but it is also having a set of far more noticeable unintended side effects, including these: *American gang habits -- and branches of the gangs themselves -- are being exported to El Salvador and other countries in and around the Caribbean. In these smaller cultures, weak police forces already have their hands full struggling to control individual crime or politically motivated violence.

Now the police face slick, organized, well-armed gangs that operate with all the truculence of their parent groups in Los Angeles and other American cities. Political leaders fear the effect on their lands' stability, and they are complaining to the Clinton Administration about it. *In the United States, law enforcement officials are contending with a 'boomerang' effect -- the rapid return to America of criminals who were recently deported. Deportation has given them opportunities to forge new connections to drug and other crime rings in their own lands. In turn, this only compounds their ability to commit new crimes in the United States. *Inflexibilities built into the law have trapped and marked for deportation a small but significant number of people who under other circumstances would be considered good candidates to become law-abiding and productive.

Perhaps the most dramatic of these side effects was in plain view in the safe house where Mr. Lopez and the Mara Salvatrucha gang were talking so matter-of-factly about murder. Five years after a peace accord ended El Salvador's long and brutal civil war, gang warfare transplanted from the United States has emerged as a new threat to security. Throughout the country, thousands of young men, recruited and led by deportees who learned their trade on the streets of American cities, have been joining the gangs, which officials blame for much of a marked postwar increase in violence and criminality. Subcommissioner Carlos Ramirez Landaverde, deputy director of the department of criminal investigation, said there have been dozens of gang-related deaths in the last year. Advertisement The gangs bring with them a deadly rivalry that dates back to their founding in Los Angeles.

And when not trying to kill each other, their members rob travelers, rape women, steal cars, deal in drugs and extort businesses. Since 1993, more than 4,000 Salvadorans, mostly teen-agers and young adults, with United States criminal records have been forcibly repatriated to a homeland that many of them barely remembered, since most were children when they fled this country as refugees during the civil war.

'As the deportations have increased, so has crime, and the deportees are responsible for a disproportional amount of that,' Mr. Ramirez Landaverde said. 'Many of the most violent offenses, like murder, kidnapping and robbery, are committed by people who have been in the United States and are sent back here without any prior notice, with all the bad habits they developed there.' ' The Villages Armed Gangs, Outgunned Police That crime wave extends even to the most remote peasant villages, which are now blighted with graffiti, much of it in English.

Local branches of two Los Angeles gangs -- Mara Salvatrucha and 18th Street -- and their allies in the similarly transplanted Crazy, Mau-Mau and White Fence gangs, use the scrawled messages to threaten vengeance on each other and express their contempt for a police force that is undermanned, underarmed and undertrained. 'We control the nation,' the Mara Salvatrucha brags in graffiti here, an hour's drive from the capital. 'The cops up there are real tough, but the ones here are a joke,' said Mr. Lopez, who says he joined the White Fence gang, an ally of Mara Salvatrucha, when he lived in California.

He was deported to Quezaltepeque in November after being convicted of armed robbery and drug trafficking charges. 'Up there, if you do a drive-by, at least there is an investigation. Here, there is nothing.' ' For their part, the police bitterly acknowledge that the deportees and their gangs often have them outmaneuvered and outgunned. 'Our weapons are lousy, and they're running around with M-16 rifles and guns they have smuggled in from outside the country,' said Antonio Cruz Preza Sanchez, a police inspector who is leading the investigation into the April slaying of a police officer in the town of Conchagua, in which a deportee is accused. El Salvador's traditional police force, accused of widespread human rights violations, was disbanded as part of the 1992 peace agreement that ended the 12-year civil war.

Thousands of soldiers and guerrillas were demobilized, and many of their weapons were destroyed. A new Civilian National Police was established, but it is still not operating at full strength and has been plagued by recruitment, budget and other problems. In part to instill confidence among civilians, its members have not been given the same kind of routine access to heavy armaments that the national police forces had during the civil war.

Today the police on patrol carry pistols and nightsticks, not assault rifles. One result of the inability of the police to contain the new gang activity is a re-emergence of death-squad activity in El Salvador -- not against political enemies, but against suspected gang members. During the civil war, right-wing death squads linked to the military were responsible for the deaths of many of the 75,000 people estimated to have died. Now new squads with names like The Black Shadow and The Lightning Command have sprung up.

But this time, ordinary citizens weary of crime have largely applauded their efforts. Advertisement In April, three men said to be members of The Black Shadow went on trial in the eastern city of San Miguel, charged with 'illicit association' and the 1994 slaying of three Mara Salvatrucha members. Part of a larger group of 12 civilians and four police officers who had initially been arrested in connection with the killings, they were praised by the Mayor, who said that crime was 'devouring' his city. A jury quickly absolved them. 'This is a very serious problem,' said President Armando Calderon Sol, who was one of several Central American and Caribbean leaders who raised the issue of deportees when President Clinton visited the region in May.

'The United States lets these dangerous types out and tells them 'Go back to where you came from.' But we have no way to try them or jail them' for crimes committed on foreign soil, he said, 'and so we must not only let them in, but let them go free.' ' The situation may be especially serious here, but El Salvador is by no means alone in its alarm at Washington's policy on deportees. Throughout Central America and the Caribbean, from Guatemala east to Guyana, government officials have expressed anger and frustration at a crisis they regard as foisted on them by United States and beyond their ability to control. The Nations Lands Inundated By Tough Outlaws The overwhelming bulk of 'criminal removals' by the I.N.S.

Have been to Mexico, Central America and Caribbean countries. In Jamaica, for example, more than 3,000 such deportees have arrived since the agency began increasing its effort four years ago, said Keith D. Knight, that country's Minister of National Security. In general, 'these are persons who have severed all ties to Jamaica and are sent back to us destitute, with convictions for the most violent offenses, like murder and assault and trafficking in drugs and firearms,' Mr. Knight said in an interview in Kingston earlier this year. 'They simply become part of the criminal fraternity, and the intelligence we have suggests deep involvement in serious and sophisticated crime activities here.'

' The English-speaking island nations of the eastern Caribbean, with their small populations and limited resources, have similar complaints. They are under increasing pressure from the United States to help Washington fight the boom in drug trafficking noticeable throughout the region, but they are being inundated with deportees they say are likely to gravitate to exactly such ventures. 'If they are sending the worst criminals back to us, that is a bit cold, calculating and uncaring, and certainly not the action of a fair and concerned friend,' Keith Mitchell, Prime Minister and Minister of National Security of Grenada, said in an interview in April. 'If a man was born in Grenada but has spent 30 years in the U.S., he is not going to know one person here, and with no means of supporting himself, the chances are he will commit a crime.' ' Even after they are returned to the countries of their births, officials throughout the region note, deportees maintain ties to the gangs to which they belonged in the United States and continue to cooperate with them in criminal activities.

Here, for instance, gang members are reported by the police to receive and resell cars stolen by former comrades in California and Texas and to be involved in illegally transporting would-be immigrants to the United States. Advertisement In addition, gang members here are said to buy and smuggle weapons left over from the civil war, including rifles, pistols, grenades, ammunition and rocket launchers, to and from the United States and neighboring countries. Salvadoran police officials also say that gang leaders here and in the United States have formed alliances with cocaine and marijuana traffickers from Mexico and Colombia to move drugs through El Salvador and neighboring countries. The flourishing gang network here also provides an underground railroad of sorts for gang leaders still living in the United States when they need to evade charges there. El Salvador does not have an extradition treaty with the United States, so gang members facing arrest in an American city can simply vanish into the protective structure that their branches here offer. 'That's what I'm doing right now, chillin' with my homeys,' a leader of the Mara Crazy in the eastern city of San Miguel, who identified himself only by his street name, 'Dreamer,' said this spring, speaking in bilingual gang argot.

'I've got some problems in the States, so I came down here to hang for a while.' ' The Friction Calls for Warnings And Rap Sheets That reverse side of the flow of deportees, wanted outlaws taking refuge in their home countries, has become a source of tension between the United States and its neighbors in Central America and the Caribbean. Washington says that these countries do not make enough of an effort to arrest such criminals and that they have antiquated extradition laws, and is pressing for constitutional changes. But the receiving countries have complaints of their own, noting that the United States has sent most of the deportees to them without any advance notification or warning. In an interview at the National Palace in San Salvador, Mr. Calderon Sol said his Government needed greater cooperation.

'They send us deportees without any prior warning, and that complicates things,' he said. The Salvadoran Government has proposed legislation that would require deportees with foreign criminal records to register with Salvadoran immigration authorities immediately upon their return to the country. Once they find a place to live, they would also be required to report regularly to the local police. 'We can't deny any citizen the right to return,' Mr. Calderon Sol said. 'We have to take them back, and we can't ask the United States to take charge of them.

But we need measures that require these dangerous types to report every week or fortnight.' Advertisement As things have stood until now, Salvadoran law enforcement officials say, often they have learned of a deportee's return only after a crime has been committed and a suspect apprehended. Mutilate A Doll 2 Free Download there. Except in a few extraordinary cases, they say, there has been no prior notification from American immigration or police authorities that a criminal deportee is on the way, which only makes their job more difficult.

'It would help us a lot to know in advance, especially in cases of the type where they are involved in a crime just as soon as they arrive,' Mr. Ramirez Landaverde said. 'It is important for us to be able to have an album of photos that we can show to people, to have fingerprints and a rap sheet of the crimes these people have committed in the United States, to know what tattoos or other identifying features they may have.' ' Just before Easter, for example, Jesus Enrique Flores was deported to his home town, Conchagua, after living in the United States for 11 years, jail terms for gang-related drug and assault convictions included.

Less than two weeks later, the police in his hometown said, he shot and killed one police officer and gravely wounded another outside a local bordello. In an interview at the ramshackle jail where he was being held, Mr. Flores, stocky, shirtless and with a large '18' tattooed on his chest, maintained that local the police had singled him out merely because he was a deportee. 'I am innocent,' he said.

'They have accused the wrong person.' Flores, a 26-year-old who said he had worked as a gardener and construction worker in Washington and Los Angeles before being jailed, acknowledged being a member of the 18th Street Gang. After serving his most recent term in a California prison, he said, he was handed over to the I.N.S. Early this year and held while his deportation order was being processed. Flores said, 'they just put me on an American Airlines flight from Los Angeles.' ' Asked if he had been shackled or held under guard, he said that he had not, but had traveled as an ordinary passenger. On his arrival at the international airport outside San Salvador, he said: 'I gave the immigration and customs people my passport, it was stamped like anybody else's, and I came home here.

I'd never had any problems with the law here, so there was no reason for them to hold me, and my name wasn't on any blacklist that the Government had of people who were to be detained.' ' A spokesman for the immigration service in Washington, Russ Bergeron, acknowledged that the agency has not systematically advised foreign immigration or law enforcement officials when their citizens are deported. Advertisement 'We recognize that these countries want more information, and we are working with foreign governments to provide them with new mechanisms' for prior notification, he said.

1, the agency began using new notification guidelines intended to address some of the complaints of countries being sent deportees. Under the new procedures, foreign governments are to be supplied the name, date of birth, birthplace, criminal record and expected date of arrival of deportees, though not their photographs or fingerprints, Mr.

Bergeron said. The Salvadoran police said the background of Mr. Flores, the man accused of shooting two police officers in Conchagua, matched that of the typical deportee: male, in his late teens to mid 20's and from a poor and broken family. The gang problem is nationwide, they add, but most acute in those areas of the country where heavy fighting, human rights abuses and forced flight were most prevalent during the civil war.

'In 1981, the death squads came to our house, yanked my uncle out of bed and shot him and tried to kill my mother, my sister and me, so my mother went to Houston and left me with my grandparents and cousins,' said Edwin Castillo, a 25-year-old member of the Mara Salvatrucha who was deported to Quezaltepeque late last year. 'She brought me up north later, and the seed of my liking for the gangster life was planted there, and just kept on growing.' ' But once back home, Mr. Castillo and other deportees said, it is easy to recruit local teen-agers into the gang life. Unemployment is high, school is expensive, amusements are minimal, and, thanks in large part to the gangs, drugs are increasingly available. 'If you keep sending these guys back, we're going to have another civil war on our hands,' Mr.

Preza Sanchez, the police investigator, warned. 'People will arm themselves again, and this new police force will be nullified. We are very worried.' ' Next: Surprisingly hard to track down, many criminal aliens return to the United States with ease after being deported.